In 1639 Japan had been definitely closed to foreign missionaries and, since there was at that time no bishop in the country, no Japanese could be ordained priest. Moreover, all Japanese were strictly prohibited to leave the country so that no Japanese youths could receive Holy Orders abroad. As a result, the Japanese Christians were left without priests for more than 200 years. During this period only Dutch and Chinese merchants were allowed to enter the country, but even they were strictly watched and greatly limited in their freedom of action so as to be little better off than prisoners. In particular, their intercourse with the Japanese was looked upon with suspicion and every precaution taken to prevent them from making any kind of religious propaganda. Needless to say that the smuggling in of missionaries or even religious literature was severely prohibited.
The Portuguese at Macao made more than one attempt to regain entrance into the country and to recover the lucrative trade, but all these attempts failed completely. Nor were the English luckier in their various endeavors to have Japan opened to their merchants. Yet, when the Western Powers succeeded in forcing entrance into China, it became rather difficult for Japan to maintain her voluntary seclusion from the rest of the world. On the contrary, it was more and more realized that the only means of saving national independence was the opening of the country to foreign commercial and diplomatic intercourse. Consequently, when in 1853 and 1854 Commodore Perry appeared with his ships in Tokyo Bay, it was not too difficult for him to obtain entrance into the country for the United States. The same privilege was granted to England, Russia and, a few years later, to France (October 9, 1858).
Although the commercial treaties with foreign powers did not change the hostile attitude of the Japanese government towards the Christian religion, foreign residents were granted the freedom of worship for themselves, and all acts offensive to the Christian religion were to be abstained from on the part of the Japanese authorities. Thus French priests could enter the country, even of only, at first, with the official title of chaplains of the French residents. As early as 1860 the missionaries of the ' Paris Foreign Missions' installed themselves at Yokohama and Hakodate and in 1863 at Nagasaki. Only after the discovery of the crypto-Christians of Urakami (on March 17, 1865) did they begin to exercise their ministry among the Japanese, though with great caution and reserve. It was only after several years of hard trials that the Japanese Christians were granted the right of public worship. In 1873 the government practically gave freedom of conscience which was officially recognized in the new constitution on February 11, 1889.
Since the discovery of the Urakami Christians Father Bernard Petitjean, M.A., had been working tirelessly to instruct his new flock and to prepare them for the struggle that was bound to come. As he could not meet them openly, it was all the more imperative to edit and publish books and pamphlets and to distribute them as widely as possible. By a strange coincidence the first catechism was not printed at Nagasaki, where it was most needed, but at Yokohama, where there was no one to read it. Father Pierre Mounicou, M.A., had edited this catechism ( Seikyō Yōri Mondō , 1865 ) in view of prospective catechumens, although no one had as yet ventured to ask for instruction. On the other hand, Mounicou's catechism, when sent to Nagasaki, was kept under lock and key and withheld from circulation by Petitjean *(1). The Nagasaki Christians had been taught their holy faith in the Latin-Portuguese terminology (Kirishitan terminology, Kirishitan style) of the ancient missionaries with which they were familiar. As a matter of fact, they brought to the missionaries a number of ancient manuscript treatises in Kirishitan terminology *(2). Petitjean and his fellow-missionaries at once utilized these manuscripts for their catechetical instructions and intended to publish a catechism and other books in the same style for wide circulation among their flock. If, however, Mounicou's catechism, which was composed in Chinese terminology, were to be distributed, it was feared that the Christians, not knowing this terminology, might suspect that they were being taught a doctrine different from that handed down to them by their ancestors. Thus a schism would almost certainly have arisen. It was for this reason that Petitjean withheld the copies sent from Yokohama. Yet, as Mounicou had acted by order of Father Prudence S. B. Girard, superior of the mission, the Nagasaki missionaries were greatly embarrassed. In this dilemma Petitjean adressed himself to his superiors abroad to submit the matter to the S. C. of Propaganda in Rome. At the same time he asked his superior at Yokohama for permission to use the Kirishitan terminology in his dealings with the crypto-Christians. His request was granted, but simultaneously he was urged to replace the Kirishitan terminology as soon as possible by the Chinese liturgical language *(3). Thereupon the Nagasaki missionaries vigorously worked on a new catechism in Kirishitan style *(4). It appeared in 1868 in wood-block print ( Seikyō Shogaku Yōri ).
Meanwhile the S. C. of Propaganda had indirectly settled the controversy: Petitjean was appointed Vicar Apostolic of Japan (1866) and thus left free to decide in favor of the Kirishitan terminology. As a result, during the following years there appeared a number of works in Kirishitan style. Apart from Seikyō Shogaku Yōri mentioned above a prayer book (Seikyō Nikka) and a liturgical calendar appeared in 1868.
Knowing that the ancient Japanese mission had produced a remarkable Christian literature, Petitjean took great pains to discover and reprint as many as possible of these extremely rare works. On his first journey to Rome (1867 - 1868) he searched for such works in the various libraries of that city and found three of them, which he at once copied *(5). One (Toga-nozoki Kisoku) was reprinted in 1869. When in 1869 Petitjean went to Rome again to assist at the Vatican Council, he stopped at Manila, Macao and in Portugal to continue his search for ancient works. Whereas his endeavor had no success at Macao and in Portugal, he collected a rich harvest at Manila; he received from the Franciscans, Dominicans and Jesuits the following works: two dictionaries, a grammar, a book on the rosary and a book of meditations. One of the dictionaries was Dictionarium Latino Lusitanicum, ac Iaponicum (Amakusa, 1595), the book on the rosary, Rozario no Kyō (Manila, 1623), and the book of meditations, Spiritual Shugyō (Nagasaki, 1607), whereas the second dictionary as well as the grammar are not specified by Marnas *(6).
At once Petitjean began to exploit his rich find. At Manila itself he wrote the foreword to a reprint of the book on the rosary, dated Manila, second year of Meiji, on the 25th day of April, which corresponds to June 5, 1869, according to the Gregorian calendar. The new book appeared in the same year (probably at Shanghai) under the title of Rozario Kiroku (An Account of the Rosary: cf.Rozario Kiroku). The Amakusa Dictionary was reprinted by the Propaganda Press in Rome (Lexicon Latino-Iaponicum, Romae 1870). The Portuguese meaning of the words was omitted, and antiquated Japanese forms were replaced by their modern equivalents. Of Spiritual Shugyō the History of the Passion (Go Basshiyo) was reprinted in 1873, and it would seem that other parts were likewise reproduced, although perfect evidence cannot be established. At all events, all Catholic publications up to 1873 were written in the ancient Kirishitan terminology, except the catechism of Mounicou referred to above.
From 1874 on, however, it seems that Petitjean began to waver in his zeal for the preservation of the Kirishitan style. In that year he gave his Imprimatur to a new prayer book in Chinese terminology (Seikyō Nikka). Although it bears the same title as his own prayer book (Seikyō Nikka), it is, nevertheless, an entirely different work. All the books published in 1875 and 1876 are written, as far as we know them, in the same (Chinese) style, and after the division of the mission into Southern and Northern Japan (1876) this terminology was exclusively used in the latter part. In 1877, however, it would seem that a last, though futile, effort was made to preserve the Kirishitan terminology. In that year a printing press was set up at Nagasaki, and it is noteworthy that its first productions (Chie Ake no Michi and Kōfuku Kyōdō) were written in Kirishitan style. The same style was used in Kirishitan no Seikyō which was published in a shorter and a larger edition in the same kind of type (mostly hiragana), but without date. Only one more new work in Kirishitan terminology was issued by the Nagasaki printing press:Orashio narabi ni Oshie, 1878. In 1883 the shorter version of Kirishitan no Seikyō was reprinted in square Chinese characters and hiragana. It would seem that this is the last print in Kirishitan style meant for general circulation *(7). The fact that it bears the Iimprimatur of Petitjean and appeared just one year before his death seems to prove that he stuck to his preference for the Kirishitan terminology even unto death, although conditions had compelled him to make concessions in the opposite direction *(8).
This second part is concerned only with the works published between 1865 and 1880, since this period alone belongs to the Kirishitan era properly so called. Apart from the works published at Shanghai and in Japan, two others evidently intended for the Japanese mission, but published abroad, will be included (viz.Niffon no Cotoba ni yo Confession and Lexicon Latino-Iaponicum).
No exhaustive bibliography of this period has ever been written prior to 1940. We have two brief lists of Catholic Japanese literature, Liste des ouvrages publiés par les missionnaires des Missions-Étrangères au Japon et par les prêtres japonais. Vannes, 1917, and Nippon Katorikku Tosho Mokuroku, Tokyo, 1933, but the former contains scarcely any works of the period under consideration, whereas the latter suffers from other deficiencies and is, moreover, written in Japanese only *(9). Professor Matsuzaki Minoru has described and reprinted a number of the best-known works *(10), and Professor Ebisawa Arimichi has introduced some of the less known *(11). Bibliotheca Missionum by Streit-Dindinger (v. X) gives only very few titles. Considerable credit is due to Joseph de Lapparent, S.J., Zikawei, for valuable information on a number of works translated from Chinese originals.
This part of the manual does not claim to be anything more than a first attempt to present a general and, as much as possible, exhaustive survey of one of the most interesting and, at the same time, most critical periods of the Catholic missions in the Land of the Rising Sun.
(5) Unfortunately, Marnas (La 'Réligion de Jésus' (Iaso Ja-kyō) ressuscitée au Japon dans la seconde moitié du XIX siècle, v. II, p. 80) gives the title of only one of these three works (Doctrina Christiana in Japanese characters- probably Doctrina Christam , now in the Biblioteca Casanatense Rome); we have found out that the second was Salvator Mundi. The third was most probably the second volume of Guia do Pecador.Urakawa wrote that at Nagasaki there was an ancient handwritten copy of this volume, and it is almost certain that it was the copy taken by Petitjean. Marnas says that all of the three volumes were written in Japanese characters, and thus the Latin grammar by Manuel Alvares(De Institutione Grammatica, Biblioteca Angelica, Rome) must be ruled out. Pagès (Bibliographie japonaise, n. 77) mentions a copy of Guia do Pecador in the Roman College which, consequently, was accessible to Petitjean at that time, although today it is no longer in the Roman College, which was confiscated by the Italian Government in 1870. Yet there is today another copy of v. II in the Archives of the Society of Jesus, different from that which formerly was in the Roman College. If the manuscript copy mentioned by Urakawa was taken by Petitjean in Rome, this assumption would be conclusively proved.
(9) Liste des ouvrages is a reprint of 'La Presse Catholique au Japon', in Annales de la Société des Missions-Étrangères,Paris 1917, pp. 24-41, 57-76. It was composed by the missionaries Papinot, Evrard and Ligneul (cf. Liste des ouvrages and Streit, v. X, p. 30).
Nippon Katorikku Tosho Mokuroku (Catalogue of Catholic literature im Japan) contains the Catholic publications from 1865 to 1933, most of which are to be found in the Sophia Collection. No mention is, however, made there of a number of books of the period 1869 -1879, as no copies were then known.
(10) Meiji Bunka Zenshū, v. XI, Shūkyō-hen,Tokyo,1928, pp. 5-20, 27-226.
(11) Meiji Shonen Kirishitan-ban, in Kirisutokyō-shi Kenkyū, v. VI (Yokohama,1939), pp. 1-9.
この第二部は、1865年から1880年の間に出版された著作物に関するものに限定されている。というのは、この期間は本来の意味で、いわゆるキリシタン時代に含めることができるからである。上海や日本で出版された著作物以外にも、明らかに日本宣教を意図して海外で出版された2冊の書物も含まれる（すなわちNiffon no Cotoba ni yo Confession ならびに Lexicon Latino-Iaponicum）。
1940年以前には、詳解的な書誌文献は書かれたことはなかった。我々はは2つの簡潔な日本カトリック文学のリストを持っている。すなわち Liste des ouvrages publiés par les missionnaires des Missions-Étrangères au Japon et par les prêtres japonais. Vannes, 1917（公教會日本出版現行圖書案内［＝日本のために外国宣教会所属の司祭たちと日本人司祭たちによって日本のために出版された著作のリスト］）と Nippon Katorikku Tosho Mokuroku, Tokyo, 1933（日本カトリック図書目録）である。とは言え、前者の中には、この期間に含まれる著作として考慮に値する著作はほとんどないが、後者は情報が少なく、さらに日本語でしか書かれていないという欠点がある(9)。松崎實教授は、最も知られたたくさんの著作を再出版し(10)、海老沢有道教授は、あまり周知されていない数冊を紹介した(11)。シュトライト、ディンディンガーによるBibliotheca Missionum（その第10巻）は、非常に限られた数の著作のみに言及している。中国語原本から翻訳された著作物に関する貴重な情報の功績は、ジョセフ・ド・ラパレントS.J. （徐家匯［上海］）によるものである。
(1) F. Marnas, La "Réligion de Jésus" (Iaso Ja-kyō) ressuscitée au Japon dans la seconde moitié du XIX siècle , v. I, pp. 552-553.
(3) Marnas, La "Réligion de Jésus" (Iaso Ja-kyō) ressuscitée au Japon dans la seconde moitié du XIX siècle , v. I, pp. 551-553.
(4) Marnas, La "Réligion de Jésus" (Iaso Ja-kyō) ressuscitée au Japon dans la seconde moitié du XIX siècle , v. I, p. 553.
(5) 残念ながら、マルナス（La "Réligion de Jésus" [Iaso Ja-kyō] ressuscitée au Japon dans la seconde moitié du XIX siècle , v. II, p. 80）（=19世紀後半に日本で復活したイエスの宗教［耶蘇邪教］)は、以下の3作品のうち1つだけタイトルを挙げている（ローマのカサナテンス図書館にある国字本の「どちりいなきりしたん」)。2冊目が「サルバトル・ムンヂ」であることを我々は発見した。3冊目は、おそらく「ぎやどぺかどる」の第2巻であろう。浦川師は、長崎にはその巻の古い写本があること、そしてそれはプチジャン師によって筆写されたのはほぼ間違いないであろう、と記している。マルナスは、3巻全てが日本語で書かれている、と言っているので、マヌエル・アルヴァレスのラテン文法（De Institutione Grammatica, ローマ アンジェリカ図書館）は除外していたはずである。パジェス（Bibliographie japonaise , n. 77 『日本図書目録』）は、ローマ大学（Roman College）に『ぎやどぺかどる』の写本が存在し、当時プチジャン師も当然それを手にすることができたが、1870年にイタリア政府によって没収されたため、今日ではローマ大学にはもはや存在しない、と述べている。しかし現在判明しているところでは、以前ローマ大学にあったものとは異なる、もう一冊（第二巻のみ）がイエズス会古文書館に所蔵されている。浦川師の言っていた手書きの写本がローマ滞在中のプチジャン師によるものであるなら、この推測は決定的に証拠づけられたことになるだろう。
(6) Marnas, La "Réligion de Jésus" (Iaso Ja-kyō) ressuscitée au Japon dans la seconde moitié du XIX siècle , v. II, p. 200, footnote 2.
(8 ) Laures, Das kirchliche Sprachproblem in der neuerstandenen japanischen Mission, in Monumenta Nipponica, v. III n.2 , Tokyo 1940, pp. 630-636参照。
(9) "Liste des ouvrages" は "La Presse Catholique au Japon, in Annales de la Société des Missions-Étrangères", Paris 1917, pp. 24-41, 57-76の再版である。宣教師たち、すなわちパピノ師（Papinot）、エヴラルド師（Evrard）そしてリクヌル師（Ligneul）によって編纂された（Liste des ouvrages and Streit, v. X, p. 30を参照）。